The recent meteoric rise of Donald Trump has served to temporarily mask that fact that we nationalists in America are dreadfully lagging our brothers abroad in Europe. I’ll spare the reader yet another volume in the ever-growing library of Trumpology, but what is clear is that he serves as a break from, an exception to, and a cult of personality in opposition to the rest of America’s political landscape. Trump is exceptional.
Austrian politician Norbert Hofer is not exceptional, save perhaps for being an exceptionally disciplined and loyal member of his large and well-organized far-right political party. His success certainly has parallels with Trump’s success, but a key difference remains. Hofer stands as a conventional representative of his party and the political climate surrounding it, while Trump exists independently of all of America’s party and political infrastructure. While the far-right politicians throughout Europe have relatively mature and deep political machines to rely on, Trump has had to settle for imageboard teens, social media trolls, his own billionaire coffers, and his own skills as a gifted entertainer to relay his message.
The root cause of our failure lies in a divergence between our “elites” and our street soldiers, one which has become more exaggerated with each passing year. It’s rooted in the American far right’s unique history and structure, one which has compelled the “elites” to endlessly posture and preen against the supposedly dangerous and vulgar working class radicals, leaving them largely devoid of mentorship, stewardship, and solidarity.
This is logistical, not ideological. It has little to do with actual issues. After all, Europe’s vehement anti-semites are thriving. Europe’s Islamophobic philo-semites are thriving. Europe’s national socialists and national capitalists alike are thriving. Europe’s parties which are rigorously fixated on delicate and polished optics are thriving, as are the ones who take a more aggressive and confrontational approach. I’m not suggesting that these issues don’t matter. They do. The right answers to these questions will matter later, but right now every faction which is promising to put the national interest first is thriving regardless of where it aligns with these secondary issues.
We will remain adrift until the institutional leadership of America’s White Nationalism is persuaded to abandon its peculiar fixation on academic sidetracking and Gramscian infiltration of elite institutions. We must invest in an actual movement which reaches beyond subcultural and socioeconomic lines to develop an ecumenical and effective political machine for the promotion of our interests as a people. And if they can’t be compelled to care more about organizing and supporting local advocacy networks than publishing gassy journals and book reviews for their own private amusement, then they must be stepped over.
No sooner had the “alt right” began to gain media notoriety than our foolish leadership concluded that we must urgently make a big deal out of how this thing (which they neither predicted nor created) was distinct from the “14/88ers.” There is actually no difference between the “alt right” and what’s encoded in the 14/88 slogan, aside from a socioeconomic class distinction, with the latter necessarily spending more time working at his day job than counter-signaling on his MacBook.
It’s a completely fabricated distinction designed to drive a class wedge between the sophisticated and subtle soi distant “elites” of our cause and “those people.” How the faction which created and celebrated the hyper-vulgar “Moon Man” meme can condemn another faction as too vulgar to associate with is beyond me. If anything, it’s the elitists rather than the proles who are fixated on outright racial supremacy. In the decades since the media campaign cemented a reputation for street violence and fanatical hatred on working class White Nationalists, the ones which largely fit that stereotype have mostly drifted into patently criminal subcultures while the ones which have remained pro-White offer everything Europe’s nationalist street soldiers have to offer (except for institutional backing).
There’s a term familiar with serious dandies, “prole gap,” which refers to the gap between one’s dress shirt collar and his suit coat. It’s referred to as a prole gap because men who tend to work for a living are less likely to be able to afford a quality tailored suit and are less likely to even know that the gap is an issue. I had to look it up myself, of course.
Our Traditionalist Worker Party strives to bridge that gap, the “prole gap.” TradWorker is a coalition inclusive of millionaires, professionals, edgy college students, factory workers, skinheads, housewives, and single moms which is more concerned with members’ adherence to our code of conduct than to a dress code. That’s how they do it in Europe, and that’s how it must be done here if we hope to catch up. Infiltrating elite institutions, subverting academia, and all of these other Machiavellian schemes cherished by American nationalism’s current leadership are the strategies of a hostile invasive elite, not a populist revolt against such an infestation.
We can’t succeed by simply copying what our enemies have done. And the last thing we ought to be copying from our enemies is their utter contempt for working class White American family men who are willing to make a public stand in defense of their racial heritage and Western traditions.
Austrian politician Norbert Hofer is not exceptional, save perhaps for being an exceptionally disciplined and loyal member of his large and well-organized far-right political party. His success certainly has parallels with Trump’s success, but a key difference remains. Hofer stands as a conventional representative of his party and the political climate surrounding it, while Trump exists independently of all of America’s party and political infrastructure. While the far-right politicians throughout Europe have relatively mature and deep political machines to rely on, Trump has had to settle for imageboard teens, social media trolls, his own billionaire coffers, and his own skills as a gifted entertainer to relay his message.
The root cause of our failure lies in a divergence between our “elites” and our street soldiers, one which has become more exaggerated with each passing year. It’s rooted in the American far right’s unique history and structure, one which has compelled the “elites” to endlessly posture and preen against the supposedly dangerous and vulgar working class radicals, leaving them largely devoid of mentorship, stewardship, and solidarity.
This is logistical, not ideological. It has little to do with actual issues. After all, Europe’s vehement anti-semites are thriving. Europe’s Islamophobic philo-semites are thriving. Europe’s national socialists and national capitalists alike are thriving. Europe’s parties which are rigorously fixated on delicate and polished optics are thriving, as are the ones who take a more aggressive and confrontational approach. I’m not suggesting that these issues don’t matter. They do. The right answers to these questions will matter later, but right now every faction which is promising to put the national interest first is thriving regardless of where it aligns with these secondary issues.
We will remain adrift until the institutional leadership of America’s White Nationalism is persuaded to abandon its peculiar fixation on academic sidetracking and Gramscian infiltration of elite institutions. We must invest in an actual movement which reaches beyond subcultural and socioeconomic lines to develop an ecumenical and effective political machine for the promotion of our interests as a people. And if they can’t be compelled to care more about organizing and supporting local advocacy networks than publishing gassy journals and book reviews for their own private amusement, then they must be stepped over.
No sooner had the “alt right” began to gain media notoriety than our foolish leadership concluded that we must urgently make a big deal out of how this thing (which they neither predicted nor created) was distinct from the “14/88ers.” There is actually no difference between the “alt right” and what’s encoded in the 14/88 slogan, aside from a socioeconomic class distinction, with the latter necessarily spending more time working at his day job than counter-signaling on his MacBook.
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| Austrian nationalism – no prole gap. |
There’s a term familiar with serious dandies, “prole gap,” which refers to the gap between one’s dress shirt collar and his suit coat. It’s referred to as a prole gap because men who tend to work for a living are less likely to be able to afford a quality tailored suit and are less likely to even know that the gap is an issue. I had to look it up myself, of course.
Our Traditionalist Worker Party strives to bridge that gap, the “prole gap.” TradWorker is a coalition inclusive of millionaires, professionals, edgy college students, factory workers, skinheads, housewives, and single moms which is more concerned with members’ adherence to our code of conduct than to a dress code. That’s how they do it in Europe, and that’s how it must be done here if we hope to catch up. Infiltrating elite institutions, subverting academia, and all of these other Machiavellian schemes cherished by American nationalism’s current leadership are the strategies of a hostile invasive elite, not a populist revolt against such an infestation.
We can’t succeed by simply copying what our enemies have done. And the last thing we ought to be copying from our enemies is their utter contempt for working class White American family men who are willing to make a public stand in defense of their racial heritage and Western traditions.
