Dennis Mangan recently discussed a new study which claims that Middle Eastern suicide bombers are more sad sacks than wild-eyed fanatics, driven towards their explosive final act not by Allah-ardor but simple world-weariness and clinical depression.


The "Black Quincy" surveys the scene with his White female helpers.

by Colin Liddell

The latest, heart-warming, yuletide news from the city of Charles Dickens’s Xmas Carol concerns the slashing of a policeman’s throat in broad daylight in front of Xmas shoppers. I say “heart-warming” because once again the establishment is showing its usual charity to the criminal underclass by refusing to mention or even hint at the race, appearance, or even general demeanour of the attacker. We do get age (30) and gender (male).

Of course, we can fully understand their logic as it would be a heartbreaking tragedy if London’s cowed and jittery population were to be given this information and then take evasive action on seeing people who resembled the killer. My, what would that do for race relations in this throbbing, vibrant, Olympian Cosmopolis? Yes, the myth of racial harmony and the non-ethnic nature of crime must be enforced at all costs, and make no mistake about it, the editors of papers like the Daily Mail, where I first saw this story, have had their orders about such “sensitive topics.”

But, aren’t I assuming too much? Possibly. But then there is little alternative when there are glaring omissions from many crime stories.


The Return of the Repressed

First of all, the dreaded R-word, "racism"! I am not going to spend this entire article shying away from it or going round it. Nor am I going to accept Leftist definitions of it; nor, for that matter, overly defensive Rightist interpretations. Stripped of its connotations and associations, I want it, for the purposes of this article, to simply mean the phenomenon of people consciously valuing and preferring their own race, rather than unconsciously. For this second possibility I have another word, "sub-racism" — the theme of this article.

Whether racial consciousness produces Auschwitzes or polite, well-managed immigration restrictions is entirely another matter. My own belief is that openly discussing race and our natural race-based feelings is the best way to avoid serious unpleasantness; while not to do so is more likely to cause such unpleasantness. Assuming that the Holocaust did in fact happen — I automatically refuse to accept any view of history that needs to be enforced by law — it seems possible that part of the savagery was driven by racial ambiguity, caused by the degree to which Jews in Germany had interwoven themselves in German society, while at the same time remaining a distinct group.


The ideology of sexual liberation continues to be the abiding obsession of high-profile opinion shapers in the post-modern Western world. Indeed, in the mindset of today's ruling class, the drive to undermine traditional notions of libidinal restraint trumps all other agendas, including such familiar standards as the avid celebration of "diversity" and the fierce fomentation of white self-hatred. If, as the saying goes, the Puritan's greatest abiding fear was that somebody, somewhere was having a good time, our contemporary societal elite's most visceral apprehension stems from the notion that somebody, somewhere may be learning to be—horror of horrors—sexually repressed.


I don’t know the exact words of the popular refrain now doing the rounds, but I think it goes something like this: “Now Greece. Now Ireland. Next Belgium, then Spain—panic, panic, panic—collapse of the €uro, blah blah blah, etc., etc.”

When it comes to the Euro, we’ve been treated to one gleeful prophecy of doom after another. And, actually, such doom would be something of a blessing in terms of stopping the worrying march of Euro Federalism, but as with a lot of popular predictions, there is a sizable chunk of wishful thinking involved.

OK, the Euro looks crap right now, but what a lot of people don’t realize—including many who should know better—is that it was always intended to be a bit crap, unlike the Deutschmark that it replaced—more Vorsprung Durch Scheiße than Vorsprung Durch Technik.


Put yourself, for a moment, in the position where Bishop Eddie Long--that sharp-dressing, jewelry-flashing, Rolls-driving Servant of de Lawd who presides over New Birth Missionary Baptist Church, an Atlanta, Georgia Black megachurch--claims to find himself.

You're a pastor of a church body with a massive congregation, one very influential in your community. You are respected, admired, even in many cases idolized, as a true man of God. But you did not enter your life's calling for the adulation; you are in fact completely sincere in your piety. The last thing you'd ever want to do is cause scandal for your flock. If any indiscretion on your part were discovered, the resultant damage to your own reputation would concern you significantly less than the disillusionment it might create among your parishioners.


You’ll have seen the pictures by now. The broken glass of the Conservative Party’s HQ building in central London, the outnumbered and frankly passive police, the ring of cameramen circled round the still remaining shards of glass as yet another plump-faced student mollycoddled in a scarf steps up for his photo op kicking in a bit of broken glass.

Yes, just like when they mispronounce wines and give each other air kisses, the English middle-classes are at it again, imitating the French – all the result of some terrible inferiority complex that Agincourt, Waterloo, the Industrial Revolution, the colonization of North America, the creation of the British Empire, and the Beatles vs. Johnny Hallyday have done nothing to dispel.


Self-christened advocates of cultural harmony, equality, justice, and ideological soundness have long insisted that in order to prove oneself truly tolerant one must "NEVER tolerate INtolerance."

Of course, this notion of redefining a concept as its very opposite is purposely obfuscatory. What it means, laid bare, is, "WE, your betters, decide which positions are tolerable, and which are beyond the pale. If you offend our sensibilities, we will come down on you hard. So watch your step, little man, because WE call the shots, not you."


The American Mystique and the American Reality

Over the past few decades, British society, culture, and politics have increasingly come under the sway of America. Our common language has always made it particularly easy for us to influence each other, but, with the expansion of the media through cable and satellite TV, and the spread of ‘viral trends’ like blogging, internet sharing, and social media, this process is rapidly accelerating, with most of the influence flowing one way, from America to Britain, rather than the other way round.

Both in terms of substance and style, British politics has been particularly susceptible to American influences. In the past few years our political establishment has accepted ideas like multiculturalism, political correctness, and affirmative action that clearly stem from America’s unique conditions as a country with a 300-year history of high immigration, unassimilated indigenous peoples (Red Indians), and a history of racial injustice (domestic slavery). While it may be possible to make a case for some of these ideas in an American context, they have zero relevance to Britain, a country with a history of racial homogeneity going back thousands of years and the proud record of leading the way in abolishing slavery.


In the aftermath of George W. Bush appointee Judge Vaughn Walker's utterly predictable decree to overturn Proposition 8 in California, conservative judicial scholars are preparing to take the fight to the Supreme level.

They are no doubt combing over the wording in the 138-page decision with magnifying glass in hand, underlining and circling words and phrases, selecting where they think Walker's argument is most vulnerable to legal critique.

Meantime, as this showdown looms, most of politically-engaged Red State America continues to do what it does best: fret, fulminate angrily, write dour letters to newspapers about the impending end of marriage, and solemnly hold up homemade magic marker-scrawled signs at Tea Party rallies.

As a paleocon duly opposed to state-sanctioned homosexual so-called "marriage," I find all of this Sturm und Drang tiresome, headache-inducing, and, well ... totally gay.


If you're the sort who lets the fickle proclivities of film critics affect your judgment of the actual quality of movies, you've surely concluded that M. Night Shyamalan's talents have been in a state of sad and hopeless decline for nearly a decade.

The same cultural commissars who unanimously praised The Sixth Sense (1999) and generally approved of Unbreakable (2000) and Signs (2002) began to turn on their once-favored cinematic prodigy when The Village was released in 2004; since that pivotal turning point in elite collective taste, they have never looked back. It is as though the India-born, Philadelphia-raised director has committed some unforgivable cinematic sin against the Holy Ghost, as far as critics are concerned – one suspects that even if he were to deliver the next Citizen Kane or Vertigo, it would still be greeted with a sour, bitter, contemptuous hate-loogie from the representative sampling of scribblers at Rotten Tomatoes, and the kind of accompanying astronomically low "rotten" score on the "tomato-meter" usually reserved for Pauly Shore or Larry the Cable Guy joints.


Broad strokes: Painter
by Kevin Lamb

In the orbit of academic research, books tend to fall into two broad categories: the landmark synthesis, a carefully argued, meticulous masterpiece that reflects years, even decades, of research and distilled analysis; and the ideological tract, the slipshod collection of essays that rests on a flimsy mix of distortions, omissions, dubious conjectures, and questionable use of secondary sources, which passes for scholarship in contemporary academe.


Following last year's multiple sex scandal, Tiger Woods has now finally come out and apologized in what looked like a heavily scripted and intensely rehearsed performance before a select audience of sympathetic friends and media for the benefit of his corporate advertising profile. After all that has happened, it will certainly be an uphill struggle to re-launch the golfer's shattered career and image, and save his marriage.

While the lurid details of this scandal have held a fleeting interest for the general public, this case is worthy of more serious consideration because it reveals a great deal about the shortcomings and contradictions of the multicultural globalism that we are opposed to.


by Kevin MacDonald

Under Discussion: Why Are Jews Liberals? By Norman Podhoretz. Doubleday (2009), 337 pages.

Norman Podhoretz is something of an anomaly. His entire life has been centered around his Jewishness, but he sees himself as an outsider in the mainstream Jewish community. He shares a great many of the attitudes typical of that community, but draws different conclusions about how to navigate the contemporary American political landscape in a way that's "good for the Jews."


by Stephen McNallen

I am a pagan because it is the only way I can be true to who, and what, I am. I am a pagan because the best things in our civilization come from pre-Christian Europe. I am a pagan because our ancestral religion is needed to help reverse the decline and impending extinction of the European-descended peoples.


by David Gordon

Under Discussion: Why Are Jews Liberals? By Norman Podhoretz. Doubleday (2009), 337 pages.

Norman Podhoretz has provided us with a remarkable case study of monomania. The question that the title of his book poses needs to be expanded if the author's meaning is to emerge, and it is only then that one can grasp the author's fixation. What Podhoretz wishes to know is why American Jews vote in overwhelming numbers for left-wing Democrats, when in his view it goes against their interests to do so.


by Thomas F. Bertonneau

(Continued from Part I)

Like The French Revolution in San Domingo, Stoddard's next bestseller, The Rising Tide of Color against White World Supremacy (1920), would owe its popularity to the author's knack for conveying a sense of disaster, either historical, as in the case of San Domingo, or on the temporal horizon -- a looming severe change in the order of existence that bodes ill for the intended audience.


Jean-Jacques Dessalines
by Thomas F. Beronneau

Insofar as people today remember Massachusetts-born T. Lothrop Stoddard (1883-1950) at all, they remember him vaguely as a once-popular writer-journalist who had the bad taste to address forthrightly matters of race and immigration, as those topics concerned American national policy, in the decades before the Great Depression. People over 40 who read the footnotes while studying English might recall that F. Scott Fitzgerald alludes to Stoddard obliquely in The Great Gatsby conflating his name with that of his contemporary Madison Grant. A few people might further connect Stoddard with the Johnson-Reed Immigration Act of 1924. Stoddard lobbied for it, another black mark against his name by contemporary standards.


by Ilana Mercer

On the whole, Glenn Beck is unique on the mainstream right. He is perhaps the only member of this clique to treat Bush with the contempt he reserves for Obama. And no one on the mainstream right has done what Beck has to illuminate the catalysts to America's insolvency: monetary policy and state profligacy. Still, as a recovering neoconservative, Glenn often loses his way.


by Srdja Trifkovic

Inside the Beltway, the fact that Turkey is no longer an "ally" of the United States in any meaningful sense is still strenuously denied. We were reminded of the true score on March 9, however, when Saudi King Abdullah presented Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan with the Wahhabist kingdom's most prestigious prize for his "services to Islam." Erdogan earned the King Faisal Prize for having "rendered outstanding service to Islam by defending the causes of the Islamic nation, particularly the Palestinian cause," said Abd Allah al-Uthaimin of the prize-awarding group.


by John Derbyshire

In Kingsley Amis's novel Stanley and the Women, the protagonist's son begins to exhibit strange, unpredictable, violent behavior. Stanley, the protagonist, consults a psychiatrist, who gives him some waffle about "affective disorders" and the like. Frustrated, Stanley goes for a second opinion to an old friend, a doctor who has seen everything and is old enough not to give a damn about keeping up with fashionable jargon. After examining the young man this oldster delivers his diagnosis: "Your son is mad."


by Richard Hoste

Robert A. Taft is generally seen by the Old and Alternative Rights as the last major national political figure, narrowly defined, that shared many of our principles. Evidence of the Senator's popularity can be seen in the existence of The Robert A. Taft Club and the fact that The Political Principles of Robert A. Taft by Russell Kirk, first published in 1967, has been re-released in 2010. Going back and reading the work, however, makes me wonder whether we're not seeing Taft and the Old Right through nostalgia colored glasses.


by Jason Richwine

The March issue of The American Conservative features Ron Unz's long essay, "His-Panic: The Myth of Hispanic Criminality." His surprising conclusion, contrary to most of the technical literature, is that Hispanics in the U.S. do not commit crimes at higher rates than white Americans.


by Elizabeth Wright

It's been repeated so many times and it appears to be true. That is, conservatives take longer to internalize and promote the politically correct dictates that liberals concoct. In other words, liberals invent some platitude or piece of dogma that becomes standardized in the public mind. Conservatives initially fight the new mandate, but then, before you know it, they have joined the liberal bandwagon. They then set about denouncing others for a lack of enlightenment, as they help to disseminate the very terminology or social trend they once sensibly scorned and ridiculed.


by Robert Weissberg

I grew up in Manhattan in the 1940s and early 1950s, and save a scattering of Puerto Ricans, few Hispanics were to be found. Then, after almost four decades of being a Midwesterner, I returned to Manhattan in 2004. I immediately saw Mexicans, El Salvadorians, and similar Spanish-speaking immigrant workers everywhere. Spanish was the lingua franca in restaurants, nursing homes, building maintenance, and construction, among others. Employed blacks were visible, too, but as far as I could tell, nearly all were recent immigrants from the Caribbean.


by E. Christian Kopff

Julius Evola (1898-1974) was an important Italian intellectual, though he despised this term intensely. As poet and painter, he was the major Italian representative of Dadaism (1916-1922). Later he became the leading Italian exponent of Integral Traditionalism or Perennialism, the intellectually challenging esotericism of René Guénon (1886-1951).


by Paul E. Gottfried

After the appearance of Sarah Palin’s ghost-written Going Rogue in November 2009, the former Alaska governor saw her celebrity soar. Her book sold over 600,000 copies within 36 hours of the time it went on sale. And even that paradigmatic liberal Oprah Winfrey worked hard to have Sarah on her TV programs. FOX News went agog over her 320-page work, and for about a week, her face was more visible on FOX than that of any of the channel’s other favorites.


by Richard Hoste

In 2009,  Human Events named its "Conservative of the Year."

Their choice hadn't passed an important piece of legislation. He didn't write a philosophical treatise on conservative principles. His selection had nothing to do with his position on healthcare, the economy, gun rights, immigration, or affirmative action. Dick Cheney became America's most important "conservative" for his criticism of the Obama administration's handling of the war on terror.


by Kevin DeAnna

It’s 1964. A stranger approaches and tells you two political movements will arise in the near future, the New Left and the New Right. One of these movements will dominate American politics for a good quarter century. Indeed, political scientists will define the entire period in terms of the ascendancy of this group; historians will write books naming this age after the movement’s most successful leader. Politicians, scholars, and activists on right and left will go so far as to call it a “Revolution.”