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Saturday, 21 November 2020

BOOK REVIEW: IT'S OKAY TO BE WHITE

It's Okay to be White
Greg Johnson
Hollywood: Ministry of Truth
226 pages

Reviewed by Rémi Tremblay

We live in interesting times where slogans as mild and seemingly innocent as "It’s Okay to Be White" and "Black Lives Matter," two statements that nobody should disagree with, actually stir burning passions. When we take a closer look to those two memes and the way they are perceived, the hypocrisy of our society becomes obvious and undeniable. How did we get to the point where sentences like "All Lives Matter" – a sincerely anti-racist statement – and "It’s Okay to be White" – not "It’s Great to Be White," but simply "Okay" – have become considered as White Supremacist slogans?

It goes to prove the cognitive dissonance that now dominates most Western societies. 

It is the reason why Greg Johnson, one of the most articulate white advocates, has chosen “It’s Okay to Be White” to title his latest book. But actually, can we even talk of a new book? Most essays included in this recently released collection had already been published. It would be more appropriate to say that "It’s Okay to Be White" is the rebranding of older, but still very pertinent, essays. It is like when a food company changes the labels with a “brand new look,” but keeps “the taste you like.” Why? To scam the reader? No. He does not hide that fact, and does not pretend it is a whole new product. If he pulls out this marketing trick, it is to reach a newer, greater audience. Because it is time people react. And the message contained in those pages is crystal clear.

Covering the basic questions from the “Why” to the “How”, Johnson is offering a comprehensive handbook; the keys to understand the struggle we now face and how to make a difference if we are to survive as a people.

The fall of white demographics and the potential collapse of our race is not a conspiracy theory. It is a mathematical fate. With the current trends, Whites will fall below the 50% mark in the US before 2042, the same year French Canadians will become a minority in their homeland. Some countries like France, to avoid discussing such unpleasant issues, have simply resorted to banning any ethnic statistics, but we can assume the deadline to be similar. 

And then what?  A fate similar to South Africa awaits us. And if you have watched Canadian filmmaker Lauren Southern’s Farmlands, you can connect the dots and see what there is in store for us. It is not lunacy; it is called studying history. A trip to Chicago or Scarborough, Ontario will convince the most skeptical. 

This is the reason, why according to Johnson, the “no future” attitude, with its hedonistic ever teenager lifestyle prevails in White countries. People see the future is bleak, so they live by the day - Carpe Diem - until the final collapse. We are doomed, so what?

But there is nothing like fate. Renowned French philosopher Charles Maurras used to say that pessimism in politics was an utter stupidity. It is simply that right now, any awakening seems less than probable. Possible, but not probable.

So Greg Johnson decided to do his part and try to get a larger readership. Not for his own sake, nor for his Amazon ranking, but for us all. Collectively.

Turn off the video games, shut down PornHub and get on your feet and do something. Anything. 

One could say that it is unlikely that White adulteens will pick up that book. True. But then isn’t it our duty to put it in their hands?

The advantage of Johnson’s book is that it deals with reality. Forget Julius Evola’s sexual theories or Ernst Junger’s Conservative Revolution, Johnson speaks to White Americans about issues that exist and in words they understand. 
“There are two things we can do to make our ideas more mainstream. We can change their substance, or we can change their style, i.e., the way we communicate them.”
And he manages to do so in an entertaining and easy-to-grasp way. Not all political writing must be as dry and obscure as Oswald Spengler’s prose. The intellectuals will scoff at this book, but whatever. The open-minded but already convinced will also find food for thought as Counter-Currents editor-in-chief puts forward important reflections that need to be pondered. Being a down-to-earth thinker – something only disconnected philosophers will consider an oxymoron – Johnson brings us back to the basics of our struggle.

The objective is not to be found in sterile, elitist book clubs, devoted to showing off their intelligence to each other and bragging about their latest victories, but in getting the message out there. The rest is purely a waste of time. We can brag about winning the battle of ideas, a victory that is definitely ours, but if no one knows about it, we will bring it to the coffin and discuss it with the maggots. Thus spoke Antonio Gramsci.

The timing could not be better for this book, as it is now clear that race is not a taboo subject. Just open any newspaper on any given day and you will find race leaping at you from every page. Even scratches that require a Band-Aid will bring race into play. Race has become an unavoidable topic. It has become the new paradigm, but there still remains a taboo: white identity politics.

Race does exist. Those who still deny the importance of race are now labelled as “racists” as professor John Harmon McElroy has learnt. But, when it comes to whites, race only exists as a legitimate entity when it is time to make us feel guilty. Otherwise, we are supposed not to think and feel as white.

The problem is that doublethinking is hard to swallow for sane people.

Until now, most Quebecers considered themselves first and foremost as French Canadians or Old Stock Quebecers and would have very reluctantly thought of themselves as whites. But since the BLM riots, they have now been put against their will in the same basket as French haters John A. MacDonald and Jeffery Amherst or Georges Washington, whose attack on New France militias led to the Seven Year War and to the conquest of New France. Because of the color of their skin, Quebecers have suddenly become the accomplices of MacDonald, Amherst, and Washington, and their alleged crimes against others, ignoring the fact that they had been our enemies. We have been switched, without knowing why, from the camp of their alleged “victims” to the one of their “accomplices.” By putting everyone in the same “guilt” basket, the BLM movement and the woke activists actually made people realize they were white. 

And most feel no shame about it. After all, it is difficult to feel responsible for what other whites may have done centuries ago. As for the “systemic racism” and “white privilege” thrown at us constantly, well, they are too unreal to convince anyone. But the consciousness of being white does remain. Blacks are Blacks. Point taken.

When it comes to Whites, whites are whites when they conquered the world. But whites were raceless individuals when they found cures and inventions to make everyone’s life easier. Harder to grasp.

This is why, even if the future certainly looks dark with BLM, censorship, and ostracism, Johnson still sees white nationalism gaining momentum, as: 

“...the growth of our movement has far more to do with the failures of multiculturalism than our own efforts at propaganda and organization. Events are arguing in our favor better than we are.” 

And events are unfolding at an unprecedented pace.

As for censorship, it “can slow us down, but it can’t really stop us.”

But then, what exactly does Johnson preach? Where do we go from now, Lenin would has asked?

In this introductory book to White nationalism 101, Johnson comes back to some truths like the basic difference between supremacism and nationalism. He repeats those 10-million-times-heard distinctions between these terms and repeats once more what WN is not

The propaganda machine against us has a voice infinitely louder than ours and its lies, repeated ad nauseam, do convince many normies. Johnson thus sets the facts straight.

He also feels the need to insist on the fact that the leaderless, organizationless, and pretty diverse white nationalist movement is far from a sectarian cult: 
“We are white people who have decided to have a future again, and who wish to give a future to the rest of our people.”
No “cult” has ever been so decentralized. So disorganized. So open to dissension. So pluralistic. But seemingly the Cult Education Institute missed that point when they included white nationalism as a cult.

Is white nationalism a hateful movement? Hardly. We can actually find more hate in the ranks of the multiculturalists who, like Dr. Kamau Kambon and Dr. Noel Ignatiev, openly call for the annihilation of the White race. That kind of speech towards others was and will never be heard in the mouths of Johnson and his ilk.

Their plan for White genocide is a cold process, like the Cold War, a process without obvious violence and rage, although the last few months show that violence may occur. The bottom line, however, is that “if present trends continue, white extinction is not just possible, but inevitable.”

Therefore, what Johnson proposes is not a white supremacist system, but rather a “no-fault divorce”, that will allow everyone to go their way before tensions become more violent. 
“There is one place where all the peoples of the world can feel at home. It is called the planet earth. This planet is big enough for all races and nations to have places they can call their own.”
This is the only way to end the current cold white genocide.

The objective is not to establish a white nation that would encompass all whites and merge them into generic accultured whites, but to create ethnostates for all the different cultures of the world. All. Not just the white ones. Tibetans have as much right to have their own country as the Irish or the Ukrainians. He does not promote a White Imperium like the one envisioned by Francis Parker Yockey or a European superstate like Jean Thiriart put forward, but rather a patchwork of ethnostates, closer to the ideals held by Yann Fouéré and his “One hundred flag Europe.”

The question is not about whether such a project is doable or not. Let’s keep in mind that, the present "ideal", namely a multicultural harmonious country is an impossible utopia as facts desperately show us. Johnson proves the feasibility of remigration in a non-violent way, a courtesy Algerians did not show when they expelled the French inhabitants who had lived in North Africa for generations. “The suitcase or the coffin” was the dilemma offered. Johnson, a well-behaved man, has a totally different vision of the process of establishing ethnonationalist countries. The only thing missing is political will.

We are waging a battle of the mind, for the hearts of our fellows. And, let’s face it, everyone will be dragged in, whether they want it or not. This book is thus an element in this battle, a bullet in our arsenal. And a powerful one in my opinion.

We owe it to the generations to come. All the whale-saving, statue-preserving and bank account-piling will be a rather lame heritage if our children have no country in which to live and thrive.

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